FeiFei的昨日世界

哇！好像有一年我都没上自己的博客了~刚才发现还有一些点击率，不过都是指向同一篇文章：日本的脱衣舞表演。要是我当时能放上几张照片的话，估计点击率还能高点呢！哈哈！

繁体中文  

华盛顿观察周刊(Washington Observer)今天让我做了一个写作考试，看我有没有能力担任他们的美国政治和外交新闻报道的记者。考试的内容是参考现有的英文报道，将中国读者可能感兴趣的美国政治话题改写为中文报道，给我的题目是布什总统给利比减刑这条新闻。我就把文章贴上来，大家帮我提提意见，看看语言方面有那些问题，尤其是存不存在翻译腔的问题，因为毕竟参考内容是英文的，有时候难免带出翻译的痕迹。另外，如果大家对内容有自己的评论，欢迎给我留言，毕竟我也对这个话题不太熟悉，如果露怯了，还请大家多多包涵！

 

布什法外开恩，“踏板车”利比获减刑

美国总统乔治·Ｗ·布什7月2日宣布，免去副总统迪克·切尼的前办公室主任刘易斯·利比30个月监禁，但仍保留判决中的25万美元罚款和两年查看期。当天，联邦上诉法庭陪审团驳回利比上诉，裁定利比不能推迟服刑。

    绰号“踏板车”的利比因在“特工门”一案涉嫌作伪证和妨碍司法，于2005年10月28日受到刑事犯罪指控，随后递交辞呈，离开白宫。今年3月，陪审团裁决认定利比妨碍司法和作伪证等4项罪名成立。6月5日，联邦地区法官沃尔顿判处利比入狱服刑30个月，刑满察看两年及罚款25万美元。由于犯罪时身为副总统办公室主任，他成为“伊朗门”事件以来被定罪的最高级白宫官员。

在推迟刑期的上诉被驳回之后，布什宣布了他的减刑决定。布什在声明中说：“我尊重陪审团的裁决，但我认为，判给利比先生的监禁过重。因此，我减掉可使利比入狱30个月的判决部分。”

值得注意的是，布什的这个减刑决定与总统特赦不同，只是减掉了利比的入狱刑期，依然保留了判决中的25万美元罚款和两年的察看期，而总统特赦则可以完全抹掉利比的犯罪记录。

利比何以获此减刑？

《时代》周刊政治分析家马克·哈尔配林（Mark Halperin）评论到：“布什简单地做了自己认为正确的事情。” 布什的此项决定旨在巩固共和党保守右派的支持，即使可能招致民主党强烈的反对，也在所不惜。

不过，政治观察家们注意到，白宫这次发布的减刑决定用词出人意料地缓和。布什希望人们知道，他在做出此项决定之前曾仔细权衡过厉害关系，慎重分析了支持减刑与反对减刑的各方意见，最终做出了他认为最合适的决定。

政治分析家们同时也指出，布什的减刑决定背后可能存在其他原因。首先，副总统切尼的影响力不可忽视。利比是切尼的心腹谋士，在伊拉克战争的策划与决策过程中起到了至关重要的作用。对利比的起诉和定罪对切尼来说是非常难堪的事，因为其心腹被控歪曲情报，对提出不同见解的官员进行打击报复，并最终被定罪为涉嫌伪证和妨碍司法，惩罚的是利比，羞辱的是切尼。切尼当然不能坐视不理，自然要动用其影响力来说服布什为利比减刑。

其次，布什已到其总统任期的最后时期，在政治上很难再有所作为。因此，与其吃力不讨好地与愤怒的民主党妥协，不如咬紧牙关一撑到底，通过为利比减刑来讨好共和党保守派，巩固其现有的党派支持。

布什的减刑决定是否受到了来自共和党内部的压力？

NewsHour资深记者格温·艾费尔（Gwen Ifill）指出：“共和党内部自然会对布什施加压力。然而，到目前为止，布什似乎在竭力抵抗着这种压力。布什希望首先穷尽所有的司法手段来为利比赢得减刑，只有在不得以的情况下才会动用其总统权力。”

由于上诉法庭陪审团在7月2日驳回了推迟执行刑期的决定，这就意味着利比不得不马上去监狱报到。面对法庭的最后判决，即使之前再三表示不干涉司法机构对白宫官员的调查，布什最终还是不得已让总统权力介入了利比的案子，通过宣布减刑来解救忠于白宫的亲信。

通过仔细研究在新闻稿中所提到的布什所做的种种利弊权衡，可以发现白宫竭尽全力希望能够在法律的框架内为布什找到给利比减刑的合法性，即使不能帮利比逃过罚款这一关，至少可以让他免除牢狱之灾。

总之，布什已经难逃跛脚鸭总统的命运，加之任期即将结束，大部分共和党和亲近白宫的小圈子都支持总统特赦利比，即使减刑决定将招致民主党对布什政府更为严厉的批评，也不会对布什造成太大的实质性政治伤害。况且，忠诚是布什集团最为看重的品质，利比在保全白宫的过程中牺牲了自己，布什自然要回报利比，并以此博取共和党内部的好感和支持，何乐而不为呢？

共和党鼓掌欢迎，民主党大加鞭挞

“共和党右派非常支持总统的减刑决定，” 马克·哈尔配林评论到。“共和党内部将布什对利比案的处理作为对总统的一次考验，看看布什是否还忠于共和党右派的核心价值观。”在此之前，共和党内部很多人对布什在移民和政府开支问题上做出的妥协所不满，这次看到布什能够鼓起勇气保卫其亲信，右派表示很满意，并对布什的决定大加赞扬。

“民主党自然被这项决定气得跳脚。”哈尔配林指出：“对左派来说，这个减刑决定被视为布什将自己小集团的利益置于法律之上的又一表现。”

在“特工门”一案中，共和党和民主党互相攻击对方存在报复行径。共和党一方指责特别检察官滥用权力，本职工作应是调查普莱姆身份泄密一案，但由于证据不足，就转而起诉利比说谎，僭越了法律赋予特别检察官的特权，超越了其调查权限，是对白宫官员的报复行为。

然而，民主党则坚持认为，白宫官员有意泄漏普莱姆身份，导致普莱姆不得不放弃在CIA的工作，并对其个人和家庭造成了永久伤害，这是布什政府对公开反对其伊拉克战争政策官员的可耻报复行径。特别检察官在调查的过程中遭到了白宫官员的种种阻挠，对利比妨碍司法和作伪证的指控与泄密行为紧密相连，没有超越特别检察官的职责权限。

“特工门”丑闻始于2003年7月。当时美国中央情报局(CIA)前特工瓦莱丽·普莱姆的丈夫、美国前外交官约瑟夫·威尔逊在报纸上发表文章，公开指责布什政府为获得公众支持发动伊拉克战争故意使用虚假情报。不久，普莱姆的特工身份即遭到本国媒体曝光，切尼的办公室主任利比成为泄密的主要嫌疑人。 

布什自身难保，无力替大选操心

布什近期在政治上遭受了接连不断的打击。伊拉克战争政策日益失去共和党内部的支持，更不用说民主党对其政策的不断批评和鞭挞；修改移民法的提议同时遭受到来自两党的抵制，迟迟不能在两院得到通过，国内也是民怨鼎沸。可以说，直至到任期结束，布什在政治上已经很难再有所作为。

“布什现在基本没有考虑其决定对共和党总统候选人可能造成的影响，他仅仅简单地做了自己认为正确的事情。” 格温·艾费尔这样评论到。

实际上，如果布什愿意的话，他完全可以将利比特赦，连25万美元的罚款都可以一同免掉。而且，彻底解决利比案也可帮助共和党总统候选人摆脱麻烦，不用再为如何回应是否同意特赦利比而发愁。然而，布什仅仅做出了减刑决定，仍然保留了对利比的25万罚款和两年察看期，他有其自己的原因。

2001年1月，当布什刚刚入主白宫的时候，在回答记者关于克林顿对马克·里克(Marc Rich)的特赦令的问题时，曾公开表示“虽然总统有特赦的权力，但是我不赞同克林顿的特赦决定，我自己也不会这样做。”

马克·里克是一位在逃的亿万富翁，从事日用品交易，是世界是最为富有的人之一。他于1983年逃到了瑞士，原因是有人指控他进行欺诈勒索和偷税漏税，并违反美国的禁运政策私下里与伊朗进行交易。给他的特赦令是克林顿离开白宫时签署的最后几项文件之一。

这次，轮到布什自己面临是否应当特赦利比这个问题的时候，作为一个标榜坚持原则的总统，布什不能自己打自己的嘴巴，收回对克林顿特赦令的批评，转而特赦自己的亲信。

因此，政治评论家们认为，布什面临一个尴尬的局面，既要保护忠于自己的亲信，讨共和党右派的欢心，同时还要保全自己的脸面，避免在特赦的问题上被人抓住小辫子，成了出尔反尔的伪君子。所以，为利比减刑成为一个妥协后的决定，一个折中的方案。

格温·艾费尔说：“至于对共和党其他候选人会造成什么样的影响，那就让他们自己去解决吧，布什已经没有能力管这么多了。”

实际上，给利比减刑也不会对两党竞选产生什么实质性的影响。共和党候选人仍然会支持布什的减刑决定，自然很高兴自己不用去接这个烫手的山芋；民主党候选人也会一如既往地批评布什政府的伊战政策，鞭挞政府高官滥用权力包庇罪犯。对利比的减刑决定没有影响对峙两方的基本立场和辩论论据，因此对大选的影响也不会很大。

况且，“特工门”丑闻与布什政府的伊战政策存在错综复杂的关系，美国一般老百姓也很难完全理解对峙两方互相攻击的要点，与其费劲弄清究竟是谁报复了谁，不如转而关心那些更容易回答的问题，例如候选人是否支持堕胎和同性恋。

 

 

 

上个周末去养老院看斌斌的奶奶，老太太今年85岁了，精神头倍儿足，带着我们从头到尾把她住的Carolina Meadows整个逛了一个遍，从养老院的体制到养老和医疗保险制度也给我们介绍了一遍，真是又锻炼了身体又让我长了见识。

 

Carolina Meadows占地170英亩，大概有1033亩，大概是北大整个面积的四分之一。文体康乐设施一应俱全，高尔夫球场、游泳池、健身房、电影院一个都不少。整个环境就像是一个标准的country club，我和斌斌都笑称，以后不用去别的地儿休假了，就来他奶奶这边陪她一块养老算了，自己还不用花钱。

 

硬件环境不用多讲，这个养老院最大的好处是，只要顺利地搬进来，养老送终这里全包了，理论上讲完全不需要任何家人的照顾（当然家人感情上的慰籍是无论如何也无法替代的）。这个制度的设计是为了最大限度地保证实现个人独立，使老人也不成为社会和家人的负担。

 

老人需要申请才能进入这个养老院，养老院有权力根据申请者的经济状况和健康状况选择入住者，这主要是为了保证养老院有能力在老人所有财产耗尽的情况下仍有能力为老人提供养老服务。斌斌奶奶自己就把搬进养老院作为一项投资，也算是给自己买了一个长期养老送终的保险。她在这个养老院买下了一套公寓，面积大概有120－150平米左右，价值17万美元，这算是她的私人财产，但是房产不能被继承，只能转换为现金之后才可以转移。另外，还需加入养老院的养老保险基金，一次性交纳8000美元。每个月，老太太需要给养老院支付的基本生活开支大概在2000美元左右，包括食堂用餐、房屋打扫、基本服务等等，并享用这个社区的所有康乐服务，这个开支水平相当于她还是租住这个房子。

 

那为什么自己买了房还要付给养老院这么多钱呢？原因在于，这个体制将房子作为一项给养老院的固定投资，也是奶奶养老送终的财产保障。一旦斌斌奶奶不能独立生活了，她可以从现在住的公寓搬到养老院安排的监护公寓，可以享受到护士24小时的陪护，这项费用有以下四个来源：

 

首先，费用可以从奶奶的养老金中出。基本医疗费用奶奶的医疗保险完全可以支付，只有特殊的陪护和辅助服务，比如喂水喂饭，洗澡洗衣等才需要奶奶用自己的钱单独支付。奶奶原来是小学老师，现在有一份比较可靠教师养老保险收入，另外奶奶也有自己的私人养老保险帐户，这两个基本帐户的月收入足以满足日常开支的需要。

 

其次，如果奶奶养老金一旦不再能负担起陪护和辅助服务的开支，比如说她一天24小时都需要人在身边看护，开支超过了她的收入，可以先从奶奶的现金积蓄或其他投资帐户中支取。

 

其三，如果现金积蓄用光，奶奶又没有任何其他收入来源之后，养老院可以将奶奶所拥有的这套公寓抵押给给养老院，由养老院提供现金来偿付奶奶所需的开支。

 

其四，如果一旦这笔钱也用光了，那么搬进来时加入的那8000美元养老保险基金可以派上用场。这个基金由养老院拥有，根据条款，养老院有责任从自己的这个养老金帐户中出钱为奶奶提供所需的服务，直至奶奶去世。

 

这个养老体系是一整套的金融、保险、养老、社会保障共同作用的成果，通过金融手段以达到其终极目的——保障老人永远独立自主并老有所养、老有所安。所以可以说，斌斌奶奶自从成功地搬进这个养老院的这一天起，她就再也不用为自己的晚年发愁了，即使没有亲友的援助，直至去世，这套体系都会自动运行，并保证她的利益不受侵犯。

 

当然，这是有前提条件的，不是所有人都能享受养老院提供的这套完整服务。你需要有稳定的养老金收入来源，不管是通过以前的工作获得，还是通过自己的养老金帐户投资获得，总之你得有一份稳定的月收入。其次，你要有一定的财产作为最低保障，17万美元买养老院的公寓或者100万美元买养老院的养老别墅都可以，总之要达到最低标准，如果这笔投资最后不会用光，卖回给养老院的现金也会作为财产由子孙继承。其三，要有医疗保险，要不然钱都花在治病上了，养老就没钱了。

 

养老院在美国已经不是一个简单的负责老人衣食住行的单位，养老院实际是金融保险机构，为老人提供全面的金融服务，将财产转化为全面的养老保障。美国养老院听起来是个天堂，这是由美国完善的金融保险养老制度所支撑的。中国估计很长时间都不可能出现这样的养老院，因为最基本的问题，一个人究竟有多少财产在中国都搞不清楚呢！

 

 

昨天去见一个IFC负责媒体关系的经理，她一看我原来是搞新闻的，上来就问：“那你有没有网络写作的经验？”因为她现在正在管理IFC信息共享平台，为世行内部和相关政府部门提供政策变动以及政策改革的数据信息。我也就忝着脸说：“有啊，我自己就有一个Blog，经常在上面写写文章，发表发表意见，和朋友们议论议论时政。”唉！我这么说可能半年前还可以，现在这个网上空间已经被我荒废大半年了，突然被人问起网络写作的时候才临时拿出来充数，真是惭愧，就更不用说前一阵小乖和雅君都骂过我懒呢！

 

所以我决定从今以后改头换面，向大家保证经常更新博客，争取写出热爱祖国、热爱人民、思想崇高、积极向上、引人奋进、发人深省、警世恒言、资治通鉴的好文章来！今天先把两天前照的照片放上去，让大家娱乐娱乐，看看我们的屋子有多空。现在还没来得及把家具都制备齐全，等再过一阵儿估计还能从斌斌亲戚那边讨来几个书柜和小家电，到时候再把照片放上去吧！

 

先写到这里，马上去接一个朋友，过几日再更新吧！

斌斌已经去美国一个月了，一直在看医生能不能把他的腰彻底治好。终于两个医生都说现在做手术时间比较合适，于是斌斌就决定牺牲这几个月把他的健康问题先搞定。原本定的是九月中的手术，斌斌和医院说了一下自己想早点回中国的请求，结果他们就网开一面，给他加了个塞，下周二就要做手术了。我一直在犹豫要不要去美国看看他，一是这边还有工作，怕老板生气；二是现在机票比较贵，也不好买。后来他说下周二就做手术，也就是八月底的手术，这样9月底他就可以去复查，复查完没什么问题就可以回中国了，整个10月份和11月上半月我们可以在北京继续忙婚礼的事。到11月底他再回去复查，那时候正好赶上表妹犹太教成人礼和感恩节，再买张机票也不太亏。这样的安排时间上很凑巧，我就想如果九月份能陪他就很圆满了，我们分开的时间就不会太长。于是，昨天开始打听机票的行情，也就今天能找到一张从北京飞芝加哥的票，我马上给在巴黎的老板打电话，说明情况，他笑我做决定还真“果断”，幸好没有骂我，反正我在美国也一样能给他干活。就这样，今天下午我就能去看斌斌了！

应菡萏的请求，我现在把斌斌的又一条理论发表在这里，希望各路神仙批评指正。

 

斌斌认为中国女人的成长过程很有意思，在美国，女孩子在16－18岁的时候打扮得最性感，因为正是对男孩子有兴趣的时候，在半懂不懂之间急于在外形上得到异性的肯定，于是就会使出浑身解数将自己打扮得性感妩媚，以求博得异性的青睐；进入了大学，已经对异性有了一定的了解，对于自身的吸引力也有了更坚定的信心，这个时候就不再像十几岁那样喜欢穿暴露紧身的衣服，希望可以打扮得成熟，大气，期望异性将自己视为平等的伙伴，而不仅仅是性感的小屁股；结婚之后，大部分美国女人都会穿得很乖，生了孩子之后更会打扮得像摩门教徒（我这里所说的不包括什么纽约的牛姐姐们，毕竟纽约这等城市不是美国大众的代表），专心致志做职业女性加贤妻良母，这个时候的女性期望在人格和智慧上可以和男人得到同等的尊重，尤其不期望男人只用肉体来鉴别女人的高下。可是中国女人正好相反，结婚前都穿得特乖，斌斌就拿我举例，大二的时候还穿米老鼠的小T恤，生怕在婚前毁了清纯玉女的形象；结婚之后，中国女人的形象就大变，一般都会烫头，使劲地把自己打扮得特妩媚，20多岁的时候多少还有点放不开，等到30岁就渐入佳境，40岁就登峰造极，一般都把自己打扮得和美国16－17岁的小姑娘一样，怒高的小凉鞋，露着肩膀前胸的针织衫什么的，妆也是极尽妖冶媚惑之能事，一举手一投足都有了熟女的风韵。

 

我自己也是个例子，最近这一阵去派对开始捣持，再加上斌斌把他整个理论将给他朋友听，那些美国女孩都气死了，你想想，中国女人能享受的时间多长啊，比他们婚前那几年值多啦！^_^

 

P.S.以上语言纯属费费自己加工，但是思想内涵是斌斌小朋友的，有大炮请只管对他轰。^_^

前几天和蓓蓓同学去游乐场疯玩，她打扮得很淑女，头发盘得尤其整齐，我们两个人在一个半小时内把所有的过山车都坐了一遍，还没有什么太大的感觉，于是决定再玩一个看起来比较好看的“空中飞舞”。结果我们两个真的感觉到了作为废塑料袋在空中漫无目的飞舞的感觉。正当身边其他玩友大叫“救命”和“要死了”的时候，蓓蓓同学大喊：“我的发型啊！”堪称蓓蓓语录经典之作！

 

也是前几天，我和斌斌小朋友去一个叫“过客”的小四合院馆子吃饭，他们有一种独创的烤羊肉串比萨，我和斌斌小朋友就很好奇点了想尝尝鲜，正好看到他们的酒单里有二锅头这一项，我就建议斌斌点了配比萨吃，在北京胡同里的小饭馆，吃羊肉串比萨喝二锅头，多配啊！那个小馆子的酒论杯卖，我们就点了一杯，大概一两的样子。酒上了之后，斌斌小朋友轻轻泯了一口，自言自语地说：“这酒不像红星的啊！”我不信他还能喝出二锅头的牌子，就把服务员叫过来一问，结果人家说：“我们的二锅头是牛栏山的。”从此，斌斌小朋友在我心中的形象又高大了一块！我们现在商量着是不是给红星酒业公司打个电话，毛遂自荐给他们做做广告，就让斌斌再把这一幕演一遍，一个老外举着酒说：“二锅头就喝红星的！”哈哈！！

 

好像最近还有一条轶事，我突然想不起来了，想起来再写啊！

刚买了一个新的手机，388块钱，再丢我也不哭了~遗憾的是通讯录都没有了，劳烦大家自报一下家门，给我发个短信，让我重新记个号码。

一个多月没有写东西了，心里面背上了沉沉的负罪感~这种感觉就好像小时候一直拖着不写暑假作业，然后每天都忐忑不安的感觉。没想到毕业开始工作了还能有这种放了假的焦虑感，这可真让匪夷所思~

 

最近感觉自己没怎么看书，每天都在忙碌着做新闻，骚扰我认识的老师们，整个身体都有一种轻飘飘的感觉，总是觉得不够脚踏实地那样的踏实。恰好一个研究中国文学的美国朋友问我怎么看待王小波的作品，我一时语塞，毕竟很久之前看的书，已经完全没有概念了~我就只好应付地说，“我再回家复习复习，然后再和你谈谈想法。我先给你介绍一个在中国文学方面比较有造诣的朋友，你们先谈谈吧！”我也就第一次当了回文学掮客，把两个文学小青年撮合在了一起。而后，我就连忙跑到光合作用书房，买了一整套王小波的书，每天下班躺在红色的大床上看上一段，这两天就刚好把《黄金时代》复习了一遍，有一种完成一套暑假作业的快感。

 

赶上这两天菡萏在家里住，有一种让我住回大学宿舍的感觉。连着这一个月我们家都有客人暂住，我和斌斌好像开了一个小旅馆，就连开电梯的大娘都怀疑我们到底是做什么生意的。

 

夏天就是迎来送往的季节，真热闹啊！

 

 

觉得今天的日子开起来不错，就和斌斌出门把手续给办了。过程比较顺利，材料也比较简单，没费什么周折，但是登记处的工作人员态度真不好~斌斌的两个朋友想来观摩，竟愣是给挡回去了，就是不然他们在屋里面看。我还想，要是斌斌爸妈非要过来看，又被挡在门外，就郁闷死了！

 

出了门，我就给一些朋友发短信告知一下，大家普遍的反应都是吓死了！哈哈！的确，我动作挺快的~这两个星期干了不少事，先是把论文写完了，然后答辩，找新房子，调查酒店，然后今天结婚，再等着毕业，办事效率还真是高！现在就等着大家都有时间了聚一聚，八卦八卦，多好！

我和斌斌在芝加哥见过他大哥大嫂之后，第二天中午就飞到华盛顿他二哥二嫂家。天气是一样的好，结果芝加哥和华盛顿给我的印象差不多都一样了～

 

当天晚上，我们就在小乖的建议下去一个酒吧餐厅聚会。我当时着急上厕所，刚一进门就看见小乖在里面，冲过去一个大拥抱，终于见到老家的人啦！哈哈！然后就特没礼貌地又冲向厕所了，让小乖和斌斌的一个朋友先聊着，好在小乖早就习惯一下子见一堆生人，要是我肯定还是觉得紧张～

 

那个餐厅的饭挺好的，挺时髦，当天晚上有人开Party，所以都特热闹。我想要一杯Martini看看做得怎么样，结果人家还不卖我，非要看我的护照上的年纪。这可气死我了，我说了半天我是研究生，24岁了，都订婚了，这些都是我的家人能证明我的年纪，但是他不看见护照就不卖我酒。我差点和他吵起来。后来斌斌骂我太不了解规矩，说酒吧的人不是针对你一个人，他觉得你的年纪有可能不够就一定要查你的身份，否则如果这个酒吧被警察抓住给不满21岁的人卖酒他们就该倒大霉了。而且，年轻人去喝酒要带身份证是常识，你没带是自己的疏忽，不能怪别人，他只是照章办事而已。后来我一想，有原则总比没原则好。国内很多时候都是你好好说人家不给你，你开始骂他们了他们就软了，就听你的了，等于从逻辑上给自己找骂。这个酒保的态度倒是坚定，我怎么说都不给，软硬不吃，就信规矩，这总比看人下菜碟的贱骨头好多了！我这么一想还挺开心，后来他再给我们上菜的时候他觉得我态度变这么多很逗。哈哈！

 

那天晚上我见了肖媛，斌斌见了他大学的好朋友，我们还和他哥哥嫂子一起玩，挺开心。然后我们还去他好朋友的公寓坐了一会聊天，真没觉得自己是在一个陌生的城市。

 

第二天在华盛顿就是看看斌斌其他的亲戚，斌斌的爸爸妈妈也来华盛顿看我们。第三天，斌斌老爸老妈带我们逛华盛顿景点，天气好得不得了！国会山前正在举行拯救达尔福尔的游行，很多非政府组织还有高中学生都加入了，游行的气氛好得不得了，大家都开开心心的，斌斌说这个时候有些高中开始组织春游什么的，正是游行的好时候。我就想起来潘维原来说过为什么很多政治事件都发生在5、6月份，就是因为天气好啊，大家都出来活动了，游行游行得多开心啊！哈哈！现在我就终于体会游行是什么感觉了。

 

当然也不是说他们的游行不严肃，我们站在广场上听了一会，有一个高中学生代表声泪俱下地控诉苏丹政府的暴行，种族屠杀的残忍还有美国政府的无动于衷；另外还有一些名人发表演讲，都引起了人群的欢呼，政治热情真的很高！那种渴望人类大同的热情和对一个本与自己无关国家人民的苦难的同情让人很感动。不过，后来对比在纽约的反改革移民法的游行，就觉得这场游行的气氛还是笼罩上了一层玫瑰色的理想主义色彩，和移民们生计攸关的现实威胁相比，拯救别人总不如拯救自己显得迫切和激愤。

 

那天的晚饭就是在一个墨西哥人打工的餐馆，斌斌的妈妈指着那些人头上的帽子说，他们肯定明天去参加反修改移民法的游行。当时我心里激动得不行，这次美国还真没白来，短短几天碰上两次大游行，真可以让我开开眼界了。

 

晚上斌斌和他爸爸妈妈回家去了，我和小乖回到她的小窝，准备第二天一早坐火车去纽约，因为肖媛住的地方离地铁很近，去火车站很方便。

 

她的小窝很舒服呢！她特得意的告诉我说很多人都羡慕她来这么短时间能把家具置备得这么齐。她把床让给我睡，自己把大沙发打开，睡在沙发床上，结果床都铺好了还是出了纰漏～因为地方小，所以小乖挪桌子的时候就把水桶暂时倒着放在了床上，等再拿起来的时候发现水漏了，把单子和辈子都弄湿了。然后小乖就一直骂自己笨，还想就睡在湿的被子里忍了，可是根本不可行。然后就又翻箱倒柜地找另外一床辈子，换床单，有折腾了好半天才弄好，还自己安慰自己下次长记性不把水桶放床上……看着小乖忙，我就觉得她可真辛苦。自己在国外折腾出一个地方待多不容易啊！我就突然想起她刚搬好家去买被子，结果差点把最贵的被子丢了的故事；还有她刚搬到华盛顿的时候住在青年旅馆里每天找房子的故事；她在加拿大生病住院就更不用说了，不知道这些事轮到我头上会产生什么效果，估计一咬牙一跺脚就回国啦～～

 

我们俩躺在床上就开始八卦，就和原来在宿舍里的卧谈会一样，我们俩互相更新硬盘的存储内容，都觉得工作以后大家都变了，一个人一个样，一个人一条路，最后都是冷暖自知，甘苦自尝。让人开心的是周围的好朋友联系都比较紧密，大家过得也都挺顺利，虽然都有自己难念的经，但都还能自得其乐。我们俩都特好奇等10年以后看看大家都变得什么样，以后再聚会肯定特有意思，每个人都能讲一堆自己经历的有意思的事，大家拿出来一分享，每个人都能长见识。

 

聊着聊着就睡着了。一觉到天明，小乖要上班了。我就又盯着她看她怎么上妆，怎么把自己收拾得得体职业，因为自己现在上班不用这么讲究，所以到现在都没学会怎么打扮，看着小乖收拾，也觉得特新奇。也就五分钟，一张脸就变得很精神了，穿上一个套职业装，嗯，看得出来在世界银行混，嘻嘻～

 

小乖每天走路上班就可以，这可真是又经济又健康。她先把我送到地铁站，嘱咐了半天别做错方向，就挥挥手去上班了。我想，如果有一天我能像她那样独立自信该多好！

吃过晚饭，Leslie就带我去Tribeca电影节，她提前买了《无极》首映的票，我心里暗笑，这下有好看了，看看老美对这部神经兮兮的片子有啥看法。我们快迟到了，叽里咕噜地跑到电影院，只剩下靠边的位子了，刚坐下一会，就看见陈凯歌上台了～哈！他英文说得挺地道的，挺从容地开始吹他的电影，电影节的主办方也一个劲地煽忽，吹吧吹吧，待会就有好戏看了～

 

说实话，电影开头挺唬人的，音像效果，视觉效果都挺牛，特别是那些牛从峡谷里跑过来的时候。但是自从奴隶开始以超音速的速度跑起来以后，影院里就开始抑制不住的窃笑声。老美听不出来日本人和韩国人讲中国话的别扭让这部电影的娱乐性大大降低了。影片的英文字幕挺有水平，翻得特讲究，相反也降低了无厘头台词的娱乐性。不过，老美看张白纸小姐一件一件脱衣服和地下士兵色眯眯的眼神也笑倒了一片，就更不用说放风筝那段，和泻停封举起那个被削掉一半的金子做的大拇哥～

 

总而言之，老美的反应和咱们这边的反应半斤八两，咱们这边狂笑的地方他们也狂笑了一把，娱乐无国界啊～不知道陈大导演在下面坐着有啥感受，不知道他是不是还以为美国人的欣赏水平高点能给他捧捧场呢～看完了以后，Leslie就要带我去一个她喜欢的酒吧，我们俩就上了一辆出租车，从高高的台阶上走下来的时候，旁边有一对穿戴讲究的老夫妇，那场景好像电影里参加完晚宴回家的感觉，我就特土的和Leslie说在纽约打车好拽啊！Leslie就诡异地看了我一眼，她觉得在纽约打车和在北京打车差不多。哈哈

 

上了出租车，我就和Leslie大讨论怎么最近的中国大片都那么弱，我提了各种假设，比如写剧本的一般都部读书啊，导演都是被捧出来的，很少接受批评就不知道自己姓啥了啊，本来有天赋的人才用在不该用的地方什么的。侃得不亦乐乎～大概十几分钟后就到了小酒吧，我都坐在沙发上了突然发现把包落在出租车上了。其他东西都无所谓，我得护照在里面，因为怕在酒吧里人家看我小不卖我酒。（这段故事下回分解）这下踏实了，护照没了我就回不去中国了，我第一个想到的事就是我毕不了业了，第二件想到的事是斌斌爸妈看我会不去肯定乐死～哈！

 

Leslie气得要踢我的屁股，因为我们没拿出租车票，没记车号，没看司机叫什么名字，啥都不知道。Leslie就问我包里还有什么，我说手机在包里，开机了。她大叫好！然后就一直给我的手机打电话，希望有人能听见。打了大概十分种，我们都害怕手机快没电了，终于有人接听了。Leslie就一直和那个人聊，说包里有我的护照，问他现在在哪，然后我们又打了车去追。那个人是第二个乘客，leslie怕他挂电话就找不到他了就一直没话找话说，从我是个中国人一直说到十二生肖什么的，最后那个人都说他小时候做过牢，后来考上大学，现在想去法学院什么的，让Leslie听得一阵鸡皮疙瘩，害怕是什么神经病人。又过了十几分钟，我们终于在街角看到一个人一边打电话一遍四顾环视，肯定是他！我们俩就跳下车特激动拥抱他，谢谢他把包还给我们。他到也没说什么，就说应该做的什么的，很雷锋。他连钱都没要就走了，我们还真是走运，碰上好人了！

 

然后我们又上了车，恶习不改地又回那个酒吧了，这下我的钱就根白捡的一样，给Leslie姐姐买了Martini，两人打算一醉方休了～一边喝我们就一边回忆三年前的事，她和Jay, Peter, Davis一起玩，她把Jay骂了个狗血淋头，说他对朋友不好什么的～呵呵，唉～往事如烟，Beer Garden都不见了，Peter也不会光着膀子学北京人了，也看不见Jay在勺园草坪打游戏了，连前一阵见Loren都觉得他胖了，显得像个商人，不像学生了。好像我在北大玩得最开心的一段时间就是大二第二个学期认识这些朋友之后，再后来就又有不开心的事，只有那四个月最轻松最好玩。

 

我们俩喝到半夜快三点才回家，到了家还和Leslie还看了会电视，吃我给她从北京带来的恰恰瓜子才睡觉。这一觉就睡死了，知道第二天早上听见有人打我的手机，接了一听是斌斌，问我昨天玩得怎么样，别误了火车什么的。我一看表都快12点了，我的火车是2点半的。于是，又叽里咕噜地爬起来，洗澡，换衣服，收拾东西，Leslie带我去一个摩洛哥风味的小饭馆吃了午餐，然后赶往UpennStation，我刚上火车，列车员就把们关上开走了～真悬啊～如果斌斌不打电话，我连火车都错过了。

 

我和Leslie约好了，等她六月份来青岛安顿好之后，我和斌斌就去看她，在青岛再大玩一顿！嘻嘻～

实在是对不住大家了，很久都没有更新日志了～最近一直在赶论文，现在终于交上去了，终于松了一口气。而且现在老板出差在外，也不用每天去办公室，这才闲下来干干自己的事。最近又有一个好朋友订婚了，而且如果不出意外的话，今天还会有一对订婚，是谁以后再告诉大家，先卖个关子～真是结婚的季节啊～

 

下面继续我的游记，都有点没激情写了，大家就凑合着看个流水帐吧！

 

那天下午Leslie姐姐带我在纽约逛街，一路上就撞上了反对美国修改移民法的游行队伍。前一天在华盛顿的一家墨西哥小馆子吃饭的时候就感觉到那种气氛，饭馆里的服务员都准备好了小旗子，小帽子，等着第二天去游行。这一天在纽约就正好让我赶上。Leslie怕我在街上被人流挤丢了，就带我上了街边的一个百货店的二层隔着大玻璃俯视整个游行的场面，她的确会找地方，我们拍的照片挺有全景感，而且好多记者也都在这个商场二层拍照，我真想也在美国装回记者，给老板发回点现场报道，后来觉得还是低调一点好，就没挤在人群里做访谈～哈哈！

 

我们看着楼下这些五颜六色的旗子一直在想，怎么就没看见有华人的影子呢？按说纽约也是华人的聚居地之一，不应该没有华人参与游行。也许他们在不同的地方活动？Leslie觉得华人可能比较胆小，不喜欢参加这些政治性的集会，害怕一旦没抓住是非法移民的身份被遣送回国的话，多少年在美国卧薪尝胆的努力就都付诸东流了。我倒是觉得现在华人偷渡过去的非法移民不像以前那样多了，现在华人在美国一般都比一般的美国人过得好，都是各种专业人士，Upper-Middle class比较多。也许这是我的臆想，因为身边看到的都是受教育比较好的中国人出国定居，也许那些偷渡过去的人仍然像以前一样多。不过，总而言之，我们就是没有看见华人的影子。

 

Leslie支持这些人的游行活动，觉得这些拉美裔移民应该获得相等的国民待遇。但我们也都明白现在修改移民法背后的动力，就是想把非法移民变合法移民这条路堵上，免得在侧面鼓励人们非法偷渡美国然后忍一段时间就可以合法了。这是移民国家的困境，先来的就不想让别人再来了，道理上说不通，但是感情上可以理解背后的用意。不过Leslie觉得移民问题一直都存在，现在突然搬出来当个大题目来处理肯定是费力不讨好的。

 

我对这个修改移民法的这个问题了解不多，大家如果听到什么理论解释的话赶快告诉我吧！

 

隔下这个大游行不说，我和Leslie看了一会热闹就走了，一路上逆着人流前进，不一会就到了Leslie住的地方，终于可以把我的大包先卸下来了。Leslie的小公寓挺有意思，临着纽约大学的学生公寓，是那种很老的纽约红砖房，地段非常好，也挺安静。她的小屋子挺有意思，长条型的，有两个小卧室，一个长条型的客厅，厨房很小，和厕所挨在一起，窗户前摆了一个小电风扇，就当是通风扇了，窗户外面就是另外一座楼的砖墙，挺阴暗潮湿的感觉，充满了纽约的味道。她的小屋被塞的满满的，都是她的包包啊，衣服啊，首饰啊，鞋子啊，还没来得及打开的新包包什么的一大堆～需要声明的是，Leslie姐姐不是败家子，没有把钱都花在打扮上，她有这么多零碎小东西是因为她的公司就是做这些东西的，总能免费试用。所以，她说现在都不想买那些东西，只想看看，因为知道实际成本有多少，再买就觉得自己是大头了。哈哈！

 

Leslie马上开始发挥她大姐姐的特长，开始从头到尾再把我打扮一遍，才好意思带我出去吃饭。嗯～谁让我土呢～她就借我衣服，借我首饰，借我包包～于是很快我就变成了一个小Leslie～终于可以出去见人了～我联系好了韩Beauty在中央公园附近见面，找了一个咖啡座聊天。两年不见，韩Beauty也没什么变化，一点也没胖，美女在美国也吃不胖啊！因为美女还有约，所以我和Leslie姐姐就约了她的堂哥出来吃饭，他建议我们去一个马来西亚风味的餐厅，感觉很好，有点像北京朝阳公园西门外的那些餐厅的气氛，也有点像庆云楼，暗暗的，里面点着蜡烛，座位稍微一点挤，大家凑在一起低声说话，但也能隐约听见邻座嗡嗡的谈话声。Leslie的表哥虽然是华人，但是对中国一点都不了解，问了我很多入门级的问题，比如关系很重要吧，北京天气很糟吧，什么是沙尘暴啊，夏天有多难熬呢，城市里的人都有手机和电脑吧，等等等等～当时突然就觉得北京这个城市真有意思啊，脏乱差的地方不少，有性格有品味的地方也很多，好像各色人等在北京都能找到让自己满意的生活方式，想吃臭烘烘的小包子街边就能买到，想臭显摆几下也有的是地方让你当败家子，大街上趿着拖鞋光着膀子一口胡同片子的小痞子和踩着皮鞋穿着西服夹着英文字说话的精英们可以擦肩而过，互不相扰。反正大家在这块地都得忍着沙尘暴、桑拿天、半年不下雨的大太阳和从欧亚大陆刮来的西北风，谁也没比谁好过多少～

 

他表哥觉得我说话挺有意思，当时就决定夏天来北京转一趟，我心里坏笑：会热死你的！hiahia~

 

(to be continued....)

在纽约的一天一夜真是应了“being New Yorky”这句话～

 

前一天晚上在小乖温馨的家睡了一大觉（此段故事下回分解），一早醒来小乖收拾停当穿戴整齐徒步去世行上班，我也顺路被引导至地铁站，简短道别之后便开始了我的纽约之旅。由于是周一一大早，上班的人群都挤在地铁里，比起北京的一线地铁的拥挤程度完全不逊色。我自诩在北京还算是个中等个，伸手就能够到上面的扶手，结果美国的地铁太高，我蹦起来都不一定沾得着上边的栏杆，于是就生生被挤在中间动弹不得。稍微挪挪窝就得一大串对不起念叨出来，生怕人家觉得我是没教养的野蛮人～还算顺利下了地铁直奔火车站，在候车室里环顾左右年长的老头老太太一大堆。这个还真挺奇怪，我猜想都是利用周末时间坐火车来看望儿女孙子的，等人家上班上学以后独自坐火车回养老的小镇。待一会就听乘务员发话：“Senior passengers please come and check tickets now.” 然后人们自觉给老头老太太让道先上火车。一些头发雪白的老头老太反而主动后退，无论如何也不承认自己属于“上了年纪”的那一群人，我看了暗自发笑，心里想我爸妈50多岁就开始倚老卖老了，盼着人家在公共汽车上能给自己让座。这个精神状态还真是不一样啊！

 

一路上的景色优美，阳光透过树叶亮闪闪地打在眼睛上，愰得我睡意盎然～也懒得看刚买的那本纽约旅行指南，心理想反正有Leslie姐姐罩着，什么都不用发愁了吧～眯着眼睛靠在宽大的背椅上回想看过的电影，Before the sunrise给我的印象最深，男女主角就是在晃晃悠悠的穿越欧洲的火车上相识，然后在一个莫名小站下车，坠入爱河～浪漫情绪刚刚开始泛滥，马上约束自己给斌斌打了个电话过去，报告一切平安，没有错过火车，让他放心去看医生。

 

四个小时以后，当我正在Penn Station转得找不着北时，Leslie姐姐大叫着feiyang从远处跑过来给我一个大大的拥抱，还大喊着“你真长大啦！“是啊，四年都过去了，好像那四个小时的火车，迷迷糊糊晃晃悠悠我就来纽约看她了。Leslie带我出了火车站，然后站在路中央不知道要带我去哪儿，一脸紧张怕想出来的地方太俗太没创意～终于想出一个点子有就拉着我跳上了一辆公共汽车， 我们两个并排坐着开始寒暄感叹。她突然望着我说：”真我不相信你现在来纽约用这么好的英语跟我聊要结婚，要事业，要未来，四年前我还拉着你坐在家园食堂里面蹦着字说中文，讲我喜欢吃什么，刚学了什么新词，我多幼稚啊。那时候你多害羞啊，死活都不张口和我说英语。“我大笑，说不长大不行啊，要工作要养活自己，现在脸皮可厚了～一边说一边想以前的自己，真是往事不堪回首～

 

唏嘘感叹中我们差点错过了下车的那站，于是叽里咕噜地跑下车，一头钻进了一家老式的mall。Leslie说：”我第一次来这个地方就爱上了这栋老楼房。北京的Mall都那么现代那么明亮，但我就喜欢这家泛着淡淡霉味和鱼腥味的老式砖房。你看看周围的这些小店，多可爱啊，好像一百年的时间都没变。“然后她拉着我看这条室内购物街里的一条黑糊糊的大水管，笑着说：”北京的Mall里面都是漂亮的小喷泉，可我就喜欢这个臭烘烘的大水管！“我们俩就哈哈大笑，不知是笑自己没品味，还是得意自己特有品味～

 

Leslie说有个朋友就在楼上的办公室里工作，我们可以把他叫下来一起吃午饭。我们三个人就在Mall里面找了一家小比萨店，一人点了一牙饼，端着走出大楼，到街对面的一个街心公园的草地上享受阳光和美食。Leslie很得意说：”好吃吧！真正的比萨是这个味儿的！“他们俩都说我运气特好，找了个特好的天气来纽约，前一阵天气还阴冷潮湿，从昨天起才阳光灿烂，说我挑了个好日子。自己很得意，心里想，忍受了24年北京的沙尘暴，纽约一天的明媚够不够补偿？

 

吃过了午饭，我给在纽约的朋友打了电话，大家的时间都对不上，暂时见不了面，Leslie就建议带我去逛街。走过纽约的街道，她给我指哪些小店她很喜欢，但是东西一般都很贵，自己不会去买，只是欣赏店内的摆设，体会主人的心意。

 

（未完待续）

798工厂的几个画廊里的画都被政府“建议”撤下来了，因为政治意味太浓重。我和老板去看的时候画都已经不在了，但是在一些宣传品上还是看到了原貌。其中一张是毛泽东在长江中游泳的主题，水是血红色的；另外几副都用到了领导人的形象和天安门的意象，政治色彩很浓厚。我自己对中国当代艺术完全没有研究，也不懂得进行欣赏，但是最近一段时间中国当代绘画作品已经成了艺术收藏家投资的主要对象，纽约索思比拍卖行最近的一次拍卖，张晓钢的一幅画拍出了近100万美元的高价，将艺术泡沫吹到了顶峰。政府对艺术作品进行的审查从反方面为他们做了广告，现在一谈当代中国绘画，头脑中马上形成的概念就是政府对政治影射作品的敏感和控制。采访中，一个看起来像学生的在画廊里打工的男孩说，随着798的名声越来越大，北京想把大山子搞成一个艺术旅游景点，所以政府需要保证里面展出的作品符合主流意识形态。老板很明确的指出，实际上政府只对含有领导人形象的作品控制得比较严格，对于一些风格显得另类，甚至普通人看上去显得很恶心的作品并没有干预。比如，一个画廊的主要展出风格是血淋淋的人体，模仿被炸毁的尸体的形状，有颜料和姿态模仿人体被大卸八块以后的样子等等，这个画廊没有一幅作品曾被勒令下架。可以看出，审查的方向很明确，意图也很明显。

 

现在给我的感觉是当代艺术的一大主题即使对社会生活的关注和思考，在当代中国，最能引起人们思考和争辩的就是政治问题。艺术家把政治符号用艺术的形式进行表达，表现了自己与庸俗拍马屁类作品的不同，从另一方面也利用了海外市场对中国政治的敏感和好奇为自己进行了宣传，可谓一条捷径。当然，风险大大的有，但是这是成名与发财所必须付出的代价，也是这个扭曲的体制下为胆大的人留出的一方空间，所谓撑死胆大的，饿死胆小的，就是如此吧。

 

另，老板好像引了我的话，谢天谢地没有指名道姓～

 

Click here to read this story online:
http://www.csmonitor.com/2006/0427/p01s03-woap.html

Headline:  China strikes back as modern artists push boundaries
Byline:  Robert Marquand Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
Date: 04/27/2006

(BEIJING)Chinese modern art has been pushing the borders of the acceptable. But
just as limits seemed to fall, the local culture police struck back,
albeit politely. Three galleries at the chic Dashanzi art area were
told to remove more than 20 paintings in recent weeks, all with
political themes.

The move seems an important setback to many in the art world here,
though not a dramatic one. It comes at a time when Chinese modern art
sales overseas are booming, even doubling in value. The highest price
ever paid for a single painting by a living Chinese artist came at
Sotheby's in New York on March 31 - $975,000 for "Comrade No. 120," by
Zhang Xiaogang.

Contemporary art in China has matured from the days when it was mainly
imitative of the Western avant garde. The number of artists has spiked.
Yet the crackdown on political art shows that official lines continue
to be drawn firmly when it comes to the sacred goods of the nation, and
that no political images or themes that are unapproved may be shown -
even in relatively secluded places like Dashanzi, visited mainly by
foreigners and a self-selecting group of educated Chinese.

The forbidden works were part of shows in the Chen Xindong, Gao
Brothers, and Chinese Contemporary galleries - all located in a
sprawling old electric factory area known popularly as "798." They
include: a yellow Mao swimming in a red Yangtze River, by Gao Qiang; a
gray set of expressionless men suggesting Beijing leaders, called
"Brothers"; tanks in Tiananmen by Wu Wenjian; and a Cultural
Revolution-style greeting to Mao, made out of 10,000 yuan, the Chinese
currency, by Huang Rui - one of the founders of 798.

"This is China and it is still run by the Communist Party," said one
artist at 798 who requested anonymity. "You look outside and see
skyscrapers. But a lot isn't modernized."

Seven men entered Gao Brothers in late March, less than a week after a
show titled "Ash Red" opened. They were from the Ministry of Culture
and security services. They seemed to know what they were looking for,
says Gao Qiang, one of the Gao brothers. They asked Gao, "What do these
works mean?" Gao replied that it was art. They said the works were
inappropriate, and gave him a list of a dozen to remove.

Catalogues for the shows were officially banned; planned articles and
interviews in local magazines were tracked down and stopped. It is
understood among artists that many forms of expression - intellectual,
artistic, Internet blogging - have been curtailed in recent years.

"798 is more open than other places, so we wanted to come here," says
Mr. Gao, who went to London this week with his brother for a
performance-art piece called "Hug," where strangers are asked to
embrace each other. "But some subjects seem off limits still ... they
were very firm about it."

The 798 area is officially designated a "district for cultural
industry." Its evolution illustrates the speed of change in modern
China. The factory was taken over by artists and turned into a cheap
studio space for work and living. It became a small beehive of the
avant garde, a discreet zone of the faintly dissident - edgy, fringy,
smart. A club scene developed. That, in turn, attracted fellow
travelers who wished to traverse the borders of the acceptable - in a
country where politics and expression often can't exist in the same
sentence. Galleries, crafts, boutiques, coffee shops, bars, and
bookstores moved in to cash in on the vibe. Rents went up. And, as in
similar stories worldwide, many artists could no longer afford to live
there, and moved out. It all happened in less than five years.

Indeed, controversial art and performances have been migrating to the
798 area as a kind of art refuge.

"In a little more than three years, the artists went out and the
businesses came in," says Brian Wallace, owner of The Red Gate Gallery,
which has spaces both downtown and at 798.

"This area is going to become a tourist zone ... so now they frequently
send out undercover agents to make sure no one violates socialist
principles for art," says one staffer at a 798 shop.

Yet some modern art is still more equal than others. At the White Space
gallery, a performance-art video by Austrian artist Hermann Nitsch,
which involves handling what appears to be excrement, and a mock
crucifixion of several women in which "blood" is poured all over the
body - has brought no comment by Ministry of Culture reviewers.

The line is drawn strictly at criticizing or poking fun at Chinese
leaders or symbols of officialdom, experts say. Subjects dealing with
extreme behavior, sexuality and nudity, and most other subjects are
often ignored by censors in the current China.

"No one at my school will dare to draw anything negative, or joking,
about China's leaders," says an art professor from Hunan who is taking
photos of the White Space exhibit.

What bothers some artists is that foreigners come to 798 and imagine
that the climate they are experiencing is China itself. In this sense,
they say the small elite zone is a kind of propaganda tool.

"Foreigners go up to 798 and they get the wrong idea about what China
is," says a photographer.

Yet while political subjects are absolutely forbidden in China,
censorship is not unique to it. In the US, art that desecrates the US
flag has been censored at times.

The 798 brain trust points out that China is still emerging, and
compromise is necessary. The cultural-industry zone maintains a steady
stream of sophisticated work and activity. Last weekend was a press
event for a new "Artists Pension Trust" - in which 250 artists in five
global regions each donate one work per year over a 20-year period.
After 10 years, the works are sold and profits shared, a "mixture of
capitalism and socialism." This weekend is the kickoff of the Third
International Dashanzi Art Show, one of 798's biggest events.

Newly rich Chinese for the first time have started to buy modern works.
Yet even many highly educated mainland Chinese feel that art belongs
within patriotic borders. A recent feminist work by artist Cui Xiuwen
of a distressed schoolgirl lying on Tiananmen Square wearing a "young
pioneers" uniform over a voluptuous body, was seen as offensive by some
locals.

"Tiananmen should be a sacred place for the Chinese leaders," says one
Beijing University master's candidate. "It should be treated that way.
That is how many Chinese feel. They think these works are offensive."

Yet some artists still find meaning in the Tiananmen moment. Wu
Wenjian, who was put in prison at age 18 after the Tiananmen massacre,
drew during the eight years of his prison term. He has stayed with the
theme of the massacre.

"In China people like to forget things," says gallery owner Gao Qiang,
who shares a name with, but is not related to, the artist of the yellow
Mao. "But we found some artists were still working on this subject.
They should have a right to show.

"People always ask me what should be the standard for our work ... and
when things will change. I say 'I don't know. I think I should be
free,' is what I say."

(c) Copyright 2006 The Christian Science Monitor.  All rights reserved.

老板很生气，因为主编把他文章的主旨给改了。老板的原意是想写现在中国正在进行一系列的小规模的思想教育宣传活动，从三个代表到保先运动再到八荣八耻，从恢复中国传统道德到组织世界佛教论坛，从科发展观到社会主义新农村，从以人为本到循环经济等等。老板的意思是中国正在找寻一条未来改革的道路，这在知识分子圈子里已经引起了不小的争论。但是没想到老板的主编把他的主体改成了维护社会稳定上面。当然不能算错，但是太窄了，太狭隘了。老板已经郁闷一天了，挺好的一篇文章被改变味了。

 

《神雕侠侣》的翻译是在好玩，我很斌斌晚上去按摩的时候老板打过来电话非要让我想出一名字，结果这个翻译听起来很好笑，这种武侠的精神怎么也翻译不出来了。老板为写这个文章还特地坐了一回公共汽车去看上面的小电视，整点新闻《永远的丰碑》。上了四辆公共汽车上面的电视都是坏的，气死！最后上去的一辆还都是马赛克，也没声音。真够不顺的~

 

历经千辛万苦老板终于把文章写好了，我觉得这篇他写得挺逗的，有兴趣的同学可以欣赏一下！：）

 

Click here to read this story online:
http://www.csmonitor.com/2006/0425/p01s02-woap.html

Headline:  China's many messages to quell unrest
Byline:  Robert Marquand Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
Date: 04/25/2006

(BEIJING)As Chinese leaders fret over rising peasant protests, political
instability, and a decay of traditional values, the Communist Party is
experimenting with multiple new messages - designed to capture the
hearts and minds of ordinary people.

"It is a very intelligent strategy," says a Western historian here. "If
people are nostalgic for Mao [Zedong] and old moral values, they've got
Lei Feng [a model soldier lauded for selfless service]. For those who
say China has lost its traditions, they promote Confucianism. For those
who long for spirituality, it is Buddhism. The party is saying, 'you
name it, we've got it.'"

But the disparate propaganda campaigns often seem like unrelated story
lines in search of a central script. Last month, President Hu Jintao
launched the "eight honors, eight disgraces" - spelling out the virtues
of hard work and discipline, and the vices of cheating and selfishness.
Other campaigns include engineering a "new socialist countryside,"
promoting old model revolutionary soldiers such as Lei Feng as "cool"
for kids, and biweekly ideology sessions for party members billed as a
chance to "refresh your mind."

In a fresh twist, the Party is also quietly backing campaigns that
diverge from the standard political propaganda: opening a department of
Confucianism at People's University, turning the late pop star Cong Fei
into "young pioneer" style model, holding the first Buddhist forum in
modern China on April 13. And a hard-core neo-Marxist faction has been
allowed to rise - contrary to a decade of greater liberalization -
which helped kill a proposed law allowing private property rights at
the annual People's Congress last month.

A CCTV producer says that in March a senior minister ordered yet
another new campaign to be broadcast on the evening news. But he
balked. There were so many other campaigns being promulgated there
wasn't room in the broadcast. The Party is trying for a delicate
balancing act, say experts, somewhere between the extremes of doubt and
zealotry.

"It has become a consumer Communist Party....a party based on
marketing, not Maoism," says Russell Leigh Moses, an American scholar
at the Peoples University in Beijing. "[The messages] are a great
experiment, a way to figure out what will take."

But is anyone listening?

For example, Beijing bus No. 117, like many in this city, has a set of
flat screen TVs that show news, traffic, weather, cooking, and sports.
Monday, along with shots of President Hu shaking hands with Saudi
princes on his current overseas trip, there was a Discovery
Channel-style 5-minute segment that memorialized a soldier who had
infiltrated the enemy reactionary forces in the 1930s and became a hero
for the cause of Red China. Called "Eternal Monument," the regular
segment is part of a broader campaign called "Maintaining the Advanced
Nature of the Party," that is spun off into various kinds of patriotic
media efforts.

But the TV on Bus 117 only vaguely catches the attention of afternoon
riders as they wind past the second ring road skyscrapers, past the
Lama Temple, and toward the new suburbs sprouting outside the fourth
ring road. Shows like "Eternal Monument" vie for time alongside pop
stars, game shows, skin-cream ads, and an endless flow of
"infotainment."

Passengers, like Ji Tong, a garment salesman, are aware of that China's
leaders are trying to promote something called a "harmonious society"
that will correct social ills and disparities. He advocates a broader
campaign of "self-criticism" for China's party officials. But other
passengers, such as a shy young man from Hunan, looking for a job in a
restaurant, has heard of the "eight virtues and disgraces," but
couldn't name one.

This year marks the 40th anniversary of the brutal Cultural Revolution,
a time China closed itself to the world, and when Mao - through the
Party machine - spoke to people over neighborhood loudspeakers. But
gone are the days when the Party can dominate and speak with one voice
by proclamation every waking moment. Daily life and "public space"
continues to diversify. Chinese are busy - looking for a better job, a
husband, a wife, English or music lessons for the kids, a business
partner, a factory or construction site for a job.

"Mao and Deng [Xiaoping] were really good at speeches, writing
articles, and getting people excited," says Yang Zhaohui, a professor
of humanities at Beijing University. "They had won the war against
Chiang Kai-shek. But today is a different climate. Hu and [Premier] Wen
[Jiabao] are engineers. They don't have experience creating ideology."

Some campaigns, such as environmental awareness, are feathered into
serial TV show narratives. One of the most popular soap operas, called
"Sublime Eagle and Righteous Couple," is set in ancient times and
features Wudan mountain martial arts monks.

In one program this week, a Taoist student washes and dries his clothes
on a fire before visiting his teacher, to show respect. He then
conspicuously stamps out the fire - a kind of Smokey the Bear public
service moment.

But the No. 1 campaign deals with the economy. It goes under the term
"a scientific Perspective on Development and a Harmonious Society."
Essentially, this campaign builds on China's budding research and
development sectors.

It highlights the pride in developing new products such as turning coal
to liquid fuel, and China's AIGO brand digital cameras, MP3s, and
memory discs - technology that will allow China to compete with
Japanese and Korean companies. The media here offers proud, self
congratulatory stories on the Shuguang 4000A supercomputer and the
Zhonguancun Science and Technology Park in Beijing, which is heralded
for producing its own patented products.

Hu's do's and don'ts

In March, President Hu Jintao unveiled the tenets of his socialist
value system:

* The honor of loving the motherland; the shame of endangering the
motherland.

* The honor of serving the people; the shame of turning away from the
people.

* The honor of upholding science; the shame of ignorance and illiteracy.

* The honor of industrious labor; the shame of indolence.

* The honor of togetherness and cooperation; the shame of profiting at
the expense of others.

* The honor of honesty and keeping one's word; the shame of abandoning
morality for profit.

* The honor of discipline and obedience; the shame of lawlessness and
disorder.

* The honor of striving arduously; the shame of wallowing in luxury.

Source: China Media Project, chinaelections.org

(c) Copyright 2006 The Christian Science Monitor.  All rights reserved.

这篇文章老板也花了根多心思来写。我也采访了杨朝晖老师，他实在很有意思，现在还能想起来上他的课听他侃小道消息的样子。我们采访的另一位知情人也是一个说话很豪爽的人，在咖啡馆里他就特大声地说那些领导人的名字，特激动地给我们讲内幕故事，旁边坐着的人也都不说话了，都偷偷地听他说什么。我倒是紧张得要死，害怕中间有个什么安全部的人过几天以危害国家安全罪也把我抓走了～其实，我觉得他讲的故事也没那么敏感，稍微有点上层关系的人可能都直到，只是像我这样的书呆子和我老板那种不懂中文的老外才觉得特新鲜。不过，总的来说，老板的故事写得很好，他选用的一些字和说法也很经典，很拽的感觉。什么时候我能修炼到自己想起来用那些字的时候就到家了～

 

Click here to read this story online:
http://www.csmonitor.com/2006/0419/p01s02-woap.html

Headline:  China's Hu: well liked, little known
Byline:  Robert Marquand Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
Date: 04/19/2006

(BEIJING)Feted by Bill Gates, anticipating a 21-gun salute at the White House,
spending $15 billion on US aircraft, software, farm and other goods,
China's president Hu Jintao intends to show Americans this week that
the world's fastest-rising power is not a threat. Mr. Hu is giving
three speeches in four days, "more talking than he has done to the
Chinese people all year," as a Western diplomatic source here puts it.

At home, Hu, the youngest man ever to enter China's inner circle and
likely to be top leader until at least 2012, is well liked among the
masses for the humility and genial persona he projects. But he is still
not well known, even in elite Beijing circles. His status, habits,
life, and advisers remain a mystery.

"He doesn't truly believe in Marxism, or open markets," says one
Communist Party member who asked to remain anonymous. "He doesn't buy
international revolution, or Western-style democracy. We know what he
doesn't believe. We just aren't sure what he does believe. Even Chinese
can't read his face very clearly."

Hu's views are not known on the most important debate in China today:
balancing a "rightist" element that wants speedier reforms in openness,
banking, and private property - potentially widening the wealth gap -
with a "left" that wants less reform and foreign influence, and to
redistribute wealth and lower the social strain among peasants. Hu has
encouraged both sides.

Yet in this sense, Hu reflects present-day China: As leader, he has not
yet found a clear pathway, sources say. His country is at a major
juncture of greater expectation, but with no clear direction or
footing, socially or politically. Hu is not a zealous ideologue, a
visionary economist, nor is he ready to force a war over Taiwan. He is
cautious, lawyerly, a survivor, say numerous scholars, diplomats, and
party sources. To Chinese, he is as much a mystery as he is to the
foreign community in Beijing. Whether he has yet consolidated power in
China's secretive leadership enclave is still speculated about.

"He is difficult to quantify," says Russell Leigh Moses, at People's
University in Beijing. "He hasn't cut off the argument between right
and left, which leaves a lot of frustration out there."

Relations between Hu and the "Shanghai faction" of former leader Jiang
Zemin, a set of "best and brightest" players, are unclear. Hu has made
crucial appointments in the provinces, and runs three of the five
internal foreign policy advisory groups. Yet Hu, whose leadership posts
were in rural areas like Gansu, Guizhou, and Tibet, takes potshots from
the corporate talent that stoked China's dazzling east coast commercial
boom.

Hu, from a tea-selling family in Anhui, is a product of Mao's
revolutionary youth brigades of the 1950s and '60s. His formative
experience was in the brutal and extreme Cultural Revolution. As a
student in the water-conservancy program at Tsinghua University in
Beijing, and member of the Communist Youth League, he trained fellow
students in ideology. This mind-set left a powerful imprint. Recently,
in Moscow, he said he loved Russia's great literature. Asked which
works, he recalled a mid-'50s Soviet tract about the proper behavior of
teenage Soviet "young pioneers."

Yet Hu's common touch makes him popular among ordinary Chinese. Many
feel a nostalgia for the simple security of the Mao era. At a time of
grumbling over high healthcare costs, Hu's "people's first" policy and
"harmonious society" are seen as sincere. Unlike Mr. Jiang, an urbanite
who played show tunes on the piano for foreign dignitaries, and loved
opera (Jiang's $425 million French-designed opera house project opens
next year), Hu seems stiff, earnest, youthful. If Jiang likes Italian
opera, Hu is a local Beijing opera guy.

Hu's rise to power was positively meteoric. He was noticed by paramount
leader Deng Xiaoping in 1988. Deng was watching a video of the put-down
of a popular uprising in Tibet, and asked about the young man giving
orders to soldiers. Shortly after, Deng reportedly said, "Hu is good."

By 1992, Deng vaulted the 49-year-old out of Tibet and into the
innermost sanctum, the Standing Committee, an extraordinary leap in the
step-by-step system. At the 14th Party Congress that year, Deng brought
Hu in, since "Deng worried that if he waited too long, Hu may not be
able to withstand the internal struggle," says a senior party member.
"In Chinese politics, a lot of things happen behind the scenes."

The period was profoundly colored by the 1989 Tiananmen massacre, and
this offers clues to Hu's caution, experts say. Hu was close to beloved
leader Hu Yaobang, whose death that April helped spark the protest that
ended with the deaths of hundreds of young democracy idealists starting
on the evening of June 3, and leaving a scar on the nation. Hu Jintao
had been close to Hu Yaobang. But during the earlier student protests
of 1986, Hu Yaobang was purged for being too mild. (Senior leader Wan
Zhen advised breaking up the protests with flamethrowers.) Hu Jintao
was forced to denounce the elder Hu - or be cast out himself.

Hu's entry onto the ruling stage then was difficult. "After June 4, Hu
had to stay away from any clear positions or stand. He was already
cautious, and he became more so," says the senior party member. "And he
had to wait a long, long time under Jiang." (Last summer's
rehabilitation of Hu Yaobang was approved by Hu Jintao, sources say. Hu
reportedly wept on a visit to Hu's tomb, reports of which circled
widely in Internet gossip groups.)

"Hu is a new type of Chinese leader," says Yang Zhaohui at Beijing
University. "His legitimacy doesn't come from the patriotic war or
significant party achievement ... but is being established by winning
support from the people themselves."

Currently, China's social atmosphere is in a period of scattered
darkness and light. Ever more construction and international trade are
under way, and communication technology continues to open up; but the
centers of authority are less clear. The government is pythonlike in
its constriction of free speech, with dozens of journalists in prison.
And, as Hu told Bush when they met for the fourth time in September,
Chinese leaders are worried about growing instability and protests in
the countryside.

In the US - despite an agenda of prickly topics like rising trade
deficits; Taiwan, Iran, and North Korea; energy competition; troubled
Japan ties; and counterfeiting - what Beijing most desires is a visit
where Hu comes across as a sincere and trustworthy interlocutor.

Yet last year, a Pentagon report pointed to heavy expenditures aimed at
weapon systems whose only use is against the US military. But China's
proclaimed budget falls far short of nearly all independent estimates.
China image strategists earlier coined the phrase "peaceful rise" to
describe the country's rapid growth in Asia. Yet as one US official
puts it, "Until we hear a better explanation of why China is developing
certain strengths, we aren't yet using the phrase 'peaceful' with
'rise.' "

Hu has attempted to diversify his foreign policy away from the
US-centered policy of predecessor Jiang. By placing energy needs
squarely into foreign policy, China has opened ties with states like
Venezuela, Iran, Canada, and Australia. Yet it is too early to tell how
well China's policy is developing in southeast Asia and Latin America.
Attempts early in the Hu era to solidify ties with the European Union
(EU) as a counterweight to the US have been rebuffed by the EU. Hu's
current trip shows a great refocusing on US-China ties, as a key to
China's desires to reunify with Taiwan and to keep matters friendly
with China's best customer, with which it holds a $202 billion trade
gap.

Anger in Congress over China's artificial exchange rate and currency
evaluation, however, will probably not spur more than the small
adjustments China has already made. Powerful state banking interests
are opposed to reevaluation; one US diplomat say the banks worry they
can't compete.

As China prepares for the 2008 Olympic games, Hu is expected to get his
main team in place, and begin to address how a one-party system might
adjust to global complexities. "We won't see Hu's real face until
2007," when the next party congress occurs, says a party source. "By
that time, we will need to see him."

Hu tours America

April 18: Visit with Bill Gates at Microsoft headquarters in Redmond,
Wash. Dinner for 100 at Gates home.

April 19: Tour of Boeing's Everett, Wash., factory. Tentative agreement
reached this week to buy 80 planes for $5.2 billion.

April 20: Bush greets Hu on White House South Lawn with 21-gun salute
and review of honor guard. Meetings later with the vice-president,
members of Congress, and others.

April 21: Hu visits Yale University.

Sources: White House, wire services.

(c) Copyright 2006 The Christian Science Monitor.  All rights reserved.

这篇文章我参与的也比较多。我帮老板翻译了一些中文评论，采访了国际问题研究所的研究员，还跑去看那个马拉松比赛。当时采访那个东京都日中友好协会的副会长的时候我觉得特后悔没好好学日语，现在竟然一句日语也像不起来了~真是罪过！不知道什么时候我还能再把那些外语都捡回来~斌斌说我完全没有外语天赋，太害羞，怕说错，很注意脸面，就很难学外语了~

 

我给老板总结了一下他对亚洲几个国家人民的看法，可以这样说：“Indians are snobs, Japanese are psychos, and Chinese are liars.”然后他自己补充了一下：“Americans are idiots!”哈哈！老板很无奈，看我这样曲解他的想法。

 

由于老板不会说中文，所以他总是担心是不是中国人一起骗他。我在这方面不得不很小心，不要给他留下这样的印象。现在我的策略就是不怕丢人，有什么顾虑都直接和他说，把事情都挑明，他有能力判断对错。和这样的老板一起工作还是比较省心的，只要实话实说都没问题，不用担心什么尊卑长幼，效率第一啊！

 

老板的这篇文章还是很不错的，个人比较喜欢！大家来捧场吧！

 

Click here to read this story online:
http://www.csmonitor.com/2006/0411/p01s03-woap.html

Headline:  Gulf widens between Japan, China
Byline:  Robert Marquand Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
Date: 04/11/2006

(BEIJING)A year after rocks and bottles peppered Japanese businesses and
diplomatic offices in the most public anti-Japanese outbursts in urban
China for decades, relations between the two largest Asian powers have,
if anything, frozen further.

In a little-noticed development, Chinese leader Hu Jintao appears for
the first time to be setting a clear precondition for dialogue between
Japanese and Chinese leaders: the cessation of visits by Japanese
leaders to Yasukuni Shrine, where 14 Japanese war criminals are
enshrined. Mr. Hu gave that message to Japanese "friendship"
delegations who arrived in Beijing 10 days ago, making it difficult in
face-saving Asia for Japan to yield on visiting the controversial
shrine. Such a policy could drive Asia's two largest nations further
apart amid ever-intensifying competition for influence and resources,
experts say.

Some Chinese officials privately say that anti-Japanese emotions -
normally kept in check - were fanned too hotly, causing mobs in
Beijing, Shanghai, Chengdu, and Nanjing to pelt Japanese targets last
spring. Japan was preparing to bid for a seat on the UN Security
Council.

Yet a year later, both sides have continued a steady stream of
provocative rhetoric and acts. At a rare national press conference last
month, Chinese foreign minister Li Zhaoxing quoted a German diplomat
who called the Yasukuni Shrine visits "stupid and immoral." When Japan
officially summoned Chinese ambassador Wang Yi the next day in Tokyo,
Mr. Wang refused to go - a serious diplomatic breach.

Shinzo Abe, Japan's cabinet secretary, told Japanese reporters only
last week that "China and Japan have nothing in common." Yet while Mr.
Abe, the lead candidate to replace Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi in
September, may have targeted a home audience, his comments were the
lead headline in Cankao Xiaoxi, an influential paper among Beijing
elites: "Shinzo Abe dares to defame China as damaging Asia's stability."

"We have a problem, and I don't see a way out of it right now, " argues
a Chinese government source.

US ally Japan, and important US trading partner China, have the two
largest economies and militaries in Asia. As China has steadily risen
in power and influence in the past decade, the two nations, which have
never resolved animosities dating to Japanese aggression in World War
II, are competing for preeminence in Asia.

Both have taken an unusually sharp turn toward nationalist rhetoric.
The turn has been especially swift in Japan, which until recently was
considered a pacifist nation. The current architecture of relations -
powerful economic links but deteriorating political and emotional ties
- is unique in geopolitics, sources say.

Some experts worry most about unofficial ties. The usually liberal
circles of elites, academics, NGOs, and citizens' groups that have long
brought Japan and China together in important informal ways have faced
damage, they say.

"Thirty years ago, people-to-people exchange was considered useful, and
played a central role in the way relations went. It was a symbol of
bilateral sentiments, and successful," says Jin Linbo of the China
Institute for International Studies in Beijing. "There were no official
ties, but lots of exchange. But now, to ask NGOs to repair relations is
unrealistic."

For example, a marathon that started April 9 at Tiananmen Square, amid
fluttering banners and dragon dances, has for more than 26 years been
an exchange event. This year, only two Japanese delegates made the
trip. One, Kando Tetsuo, vice president of the Tokyo branch of the
China-Japan Friendship Society, said, "Our relations are not going
smoothly." But, he added, "China and Japan can have a bright future,"
saying that in his view a majority of Japanese do not support the
shrine visits.

Monday, Ichiro Ozawa, new leader of the Democratic Party of Japan, made
a opposition to shrine visits his key point in kicking off a candidacy
that will challenge the ruling Liberal Democratic Party.

Currently, it is considered politically impossible for Japanese leaders
to appear to have their actions dictated to by Beijing. That is how
Tokyo's acceptance of Hu's precondition to stop visits to the shrine
would appear, analysts say.

The Beijing visit by the friendship groups, led by former Prime
Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto, was designed to boost relations. While the
groups agree that the shrine issue is legitimate, they feel it should
not define relations, and asked prior to meeting with Hu that the
shrine not be mentioned, as a sign of good faith.

Yet Hu spoke of nothing else, sources say. He was quoted by Xinhua news
agency as saying that, "If the Japanese leader makes a clear commitment
not to visit the Yasukuni Shrine again, I'm willing to engage in
meetings and dialogue on the improvement and development of
Sino-Japanese ties."

China's stance since Koizumi quietly visited Yasukuni shortly after his
landslide election last fall appears to be to wait to deal with a
successor. One professor here says China is prepared to wait "20 years,
or as long as it takes," for a leader who will treat China properly.

The Communist Party under Mao was in no small part formed in opposition
to the hated Japanese occupation of China in the mid-20th century.
James Mulvenon, deputy director of the Center for Intelligence Research
and Analysis in Washington, says that China has too long relied on
Japan's lack of historical veracity as a way to cover its own problems,
and its own lack of an affirmative strategy for getting along with
Japan.

"If Koizumi suddenly stopped visiting the shrine, what would China do?"
he asks. "I'm not sure Beijing knows."

(c) Copyright 2006 The Christian Science Monitor.  All rights reserved.

昨天晚上作了一个很奇怪的梦。在梦里面我参加一个业余电台的比赛，自己驾驶一驾只有骨架的飞机寻找信号发出的地点然后降落。结果，我从美国的关岛军事基地起飞，依次降落在三个不同的地方，现在只记得其中的一个是美国在西藏的军事基地。尔后，我记得大家组织晚会，其间有人表演节目，冲一只乌龟吹笛子，然后乌龟晃晃地变成了一个木棍做成的小人跳舞。我还记得在比赛当中有人死了，大家就把那些人的尸体扔进大海，同时往里面扔钱表示哀悼。

 

一早醒来，我就觉得好像是一个马尔克斯魔幻现实主义的小说。不知道为什么自己突然做这么复杂的梦。昨天很早就睡觉了，不到十点钟，早晨想来还觉得没睡够，很郁闷。春困秋乏吧！

这篇文章我的贡献比较大呢！我采访了那个清华大学的教授，也采访了那个建设部的主任～但是看自己给他翻译过来的信息出现在报纸上让我觉得很紧张：万一我翻错了，或者弄得断章取义了，或者加进了我的想法，那就很严重了～幸好，这次他引用的还都没有什么特别有争议性的观点，而且整篇文章都是一种比较积极肯定的态度，那些被引用的人应该不会有麻烦～

 

我还是犯了一些比较低级的错误，比如：采访别人的时候没有问我们是不是可以用他的名字；别人给名片了上面没有手机电话我也没再坚持让人家给我，导致最后联系不上那些被采访的人；还有就是把名片交给老板的时候自己没有做基本的记录，所以老板再问我那个人的名字，职位什么的时候我答不上来～

 

不过斌斌安慰我说，反正是第一个星期开始工作，犯错误很正常的，只要老板没冲你大喊大叫地发火就是成功。哈哈！这个标准还真是低～不过我却是听说做新闻的老板一般都没什么耐心，如果被他们骂自己做的东西都是垃圾也一点不奇怪。

 

下面就是老板的文章，基本上除了那些外国人说的话之外，大部分信息都是我帮他找来翻译过去，他自己看着好就用的～紧张啊，害怕被别人指出犯了什么致命错误～

 

Click here to read this story online:
http://www.csmonitor.com/2006/0403/p07s02-woap.html

Headline:  A 'green' building rises amid Beijing smog
Byline:  Robert Marquand Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
Date: 04/03/2006

(BEIJING)The gray eight-story squeezed into a row of sedate official buildings
seems innocuous. But from its radically efficient basement generator to
the light volcanic ash soil on the garden roof deck, this is one of the
cleanest and most energy efficient structures in China.

In a country both energy-starved and cash-conscious, the new ministry
of science building is a small wonder. It uses 70 percent less energy
than similar federal buildings, and saves 10,000 tons of water a year
through rainwater collection. Wise use of quality materials inside a
simple, plain design also make it far cheaper to build and maintain
than comparable Beijing buildings.

Last week, this building became the first in China to pass the
stringent, internationally recognized Leadership in Energy and
Environmental Design (LEED) certification.

"This is a 'living building,' that uses the flows of sun and rain,"
says the spiritual godfather of the LEED certification, Robert Watson
of the New York-based National Resources Defense Council. "It uses 40
percent less water, and passed a variety of tough tests."

Since China began seeking the Olympics and foreign investment in the
1990s, its leaders and city planners have talked a great "green" game
that has left many foreign-based environmentalists swooning. On March
7, as part of the newest five-year plan, the construction ministry
issued a new edict requiring that by June all new construction be 50
percent more energy efficient.

But the actual record on energy- and resource-friendly construction in
China remains mixed at best. The green visions of ecology-minded
policymakers vie with the realities of a nation rebuilding its urban
centers day and night, with aggressive developers, impatient
construction firms, quick money, and a floating population of as many
as 400 million workers needing housing in coming decades. Few Chinese
developers or experts feel the nation will match the March 7 edict for
energy efficiency. "We can't enforce it," explains a knowledgeable
government source in Beijing.

China has 11 "green city" projects under construction and 140 building
projects. But few foreign experts feel those projects could pass a
genuine international green test - involving low energy use, low cost,
recycling water systems, and "intelligent" integrated design and
materials.

"For China to have passed the LEED test with this new building is an
achievement for China; LEEDS is a proper standard," says Neville Mars,
chairman of the Beijing-based Dynamic City Foundation, a Dutch design
NGO. "In China, we hear a lot about green standards, but actually the
local standards are very flexible and don't mean much."

Moreover, green concepts, quite unknown outside elite circles, and not
broadly promoted in the rough and tumble world of Chinese builders,
must compete against the kind of eye-catching and unorthodox signature
projects now under construction downtown, like the new Central Chinese
Television [CCTV] tower. The tower will anchor a central business
district loaded with dazzling but decidedly un-green designs.

"The government knows that buildings like the CCTV tower are part of
the high cost economic model from a few years ago," says one leading
Tsinghua University professor. "But local governments just want fancy
post-modern designs that you can brag about."

Still, Chinese leaders at the top of the Hu Jintao government do want
change. The new March 7 standards for construction are part of a
massive new "sustainable development" policy in China aimed at
rethinking agriculture, industry, construction, education, and the
social good.

The city-first policy of former president Jiang Zemin, that focused on
the infrastructure of China's manufacturing-based east coast is
undergoing adjustment. In the area of real estate development and
construction, the new five-year plan's goal "is to build an
energy-saving, environmentally friendly, and sustainable society."

But untold layers of inertia must be faced in the daily decision
process, experts say. Despite good intentions, there is a lack of
follow through.

"There isn't much pressure for us to promote the green concept," said
science ministry official Yang Guoxiong at last week's green
inauguration.

"The national government has incredible intentions for a green future."
says Mr. Mars. "Really mind-boggling. But we are in an interesting
paradox, and I am asking, 'Is it better to have high ambitions, or to
be realistic?' "

The new ministry of science building offers a checklist of green
dreams: Roof-top solar panels provide 5 percent of the building's
energy. Nine percent of the energy used is recyclable. Lighting is
"intelligent," adjusting the level of artificial lighting to take into
account the amount of natural light. Some 70 percent of rain that falls
on the building is stored and used for watering and cooling. The
building uses the energy needed for more than 200 people under the
current Beijing standard, yet more than 400 work there.

Also, while federal buildings in Beijing cost $850 to $1,000 a square
meter, the green building came in at $700 per square meter, largely by
avoiding expensive marble.

Yet changing ingrained behavior is always slow. China doesn't yet have
the green supply chain of parts, materials, and knowledge needed. The
science ministry underwent three computer simulations for energy
efficiency. But when the actual building went up, numerous assumptions
didn't pan out. Some equipment didn't fit. Construction firms and
subcontractors didn't always know how to work together.

"You can't just pick up the phone and call someone and say, 'Hey, do
you have a green- standard piece of equipment,'" says one Chinese
builder. "People are used to just doing their one job, and for this
work people need to know how to cooperate."


(c) Copyright 2006 The Christian Science Monitor.  All rights reserved.

老板对我不错，虽然还是小骂了我几次，比如找不到开记者招待会的地方，比如没和他提前商量就定下了五一的行程之类，但总体来说对我还不错。这个星期我们做了几个项目，他写了两个文章，一个已经发出来了，今天还被参考消息翻译了一下，虽然把最有意思的部分删节掉了，不过看到老板的文章出现在报纸上还是很兴奋的，而且关键是这篇和我有关。虽然他的文章经常被翻译过来，但是这次有比较切实的体会那都是怎么写出来的，我就觉得做这种类型的记者挺有意思。

 

今天也和学校老师沟通了一下，老师还是建议我把档案挂靠，以后都方便。所以我就给姑夫打电话，没想到他很痛快地就答应帮我转了，不错不错。下星期一我就争取把这个事搞定，然后等半年存档转正，以后再怎么转档案都没限制了。总算松了一口气，这份工作找得还算顺利，早知道我就半年前联系驻华记者了，那时候肯定也有职位的，就不用我这个学期开始这么揪心了。

 

下面把老板的文章贴一下，大家捧捧场啊！（虽然不是我写的，但还是很激动～～～）

 

Click here to read this story online:
http://www.csmonitor.com/2006/0330/p07s02-usec.html

Headline:  US targets Chinese piracy of US goods
Byline:  Robert Marquand Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor
Date: 03/30/2006

(BEIJING)Liu Tong is polite to a fault, speaks perfect English, majored in
American studies, has loads of American friends he loves to phone - and
duplicates Japanese and American high-tech goods for a living.

Mr. Liu buys unusual, specialized technology - a machine to make film
subtitles is a recent project, for example. He disassembles the
machine, duplicates the parts, and rebuilds a Chinese version. The
process, called "reverse engineering," is the more serious side of a
long-running feud between the US and China over intellectual property
rights violations - one that includes mass production of pirated DVDs
of movies, music, and software.

Now, as Chinese president Hu Jintao prepares to visit the US next month
to discuss what Bush administration officials term "our $250 billion
relationship," Washington seems to be backing away from a trade war
over currency valuation that would slap an epic 27.5 percent tariff on
Chinese exports.

Instead, US Commerce Secretary Carlos Gutierrez indicated here
Wednesday that the White House will focus on a more diffuse and
difficult problem: intellectual property rights (IPR).

"Not currency valuation ... but intellectual property rights violations
are the main threat to US industry" argues Stephen Green, senior
economist for the London-based Standard Charter Bank in Shanghai,
China. "It is the taking of emerging technology, the sophisticated
technology that resides in the products of large Western firms, that
can do the most harm in the long term."

For nearly a decade, complaints about IPR violations have been a mantra
by US trade officials coming to China. Little is done, apart from
occasional bonfires of illegal DVDs by Chinese police.

But as the US trade deficit with China climbed to $202 billion last
year, protectionist sentiment has built in Washington. Talk of a lack
of access to Chinese markets, unfair and obscure business rules that
penalize foreign companies, and the recent bill, introduced by Sens.
Lindsey Graham (R) of South Carolina and Charles Schumer (D) of New
York, which would impose a 27.5 percent tariff on Chinese imports -
have seized Beijing's attention. Some 67 senators agreed to pass the
bill, despite opposition by the White House. After high-level meetings
last week with Vice-Premier Wu Yi and Commerce Minister Bo Xilai, Sens.
Schumer and Graham agreed to delay the vote.

Secretary Gutierrez says that while China is the world's No. 2 buyer of
personal computers, it ranks No. 25 in software purchasing - a result
of widespread use of "pirated software" in China. In a talk to an
American business audience, he noted that if China cut the use of
pirated software to 80 percent from 90 percent of all software, the
country would gain $6.5 billion in tax revenue.

Just around the corner from where Gutierrez spoke, one major DVD shop
had removed all current Hollywood movies from its shelves, leaving an
odd assortment of Alfred Hitchcock, Charlie Chaplin, exercise videos,
and Korean, Japanese, and Chinese films. But at the store counter, two
huge folders of movie flyers were available - Capote, Crash, Pride and
Prejudice. Buyers simply pulled the flyers, paid $1 each, and a young
Chinese person left the store and returned with movies under his or her
coat, already wrapped.

On Treasure Street, Ya Ba Lu, hundreds of vendors who front for
factories outside Beijing tell reporters that they can have name-brand
coats, shoes, and purses mass-produced for shipment to Moscow, Warsaw,
Bangkok, and other destinations.

Economic relations between the US and China have arrived at something
of a crucial juncture, US officials say. Gutierrez said that US firms
have shifted from thinking of China as a "land of opportunity" to
giving its business environment a more "mixed assessment." The
secretary also adjusted his criticism of piracy practices and closed
markets, shifting from a tone that Chinese see as one of self-interest
to an argument that greater opening and fair trade was ultimately good
for the Chinese.

IPR enforcement is highly problematic, requiring China to police deeply
inside a corrupt system that sprawls over local provinces and cities.

The US isn't alone in showing greater worry over China's capability as
a superb duplicator of innovative products. The European Union is
preparing to file a WTO suit arguing that Chinese laws requiring
European auto-parts makers to create joint ventures with Chinese firms
will mainly allow Chinese firms to learn to duplicate European
technology and then abandon the firms.

Beijing is showing signs that it understands the sentiment behind US
protectionist feelings. Last week, five Chinese agencies held a rare
joint press conference arguing that China has done, and will do, much
more to police IPR violations. China has shut down more than a dozen
factories making illegal DVDs in the past year. Moreover, in a
development also praised by Gutierrez, China has shifted IPR violations
from a civil to a criminal violation - though the fine print on this is
unclear. That Vice Premier Wu is handling IPR violations inside the
state structure is an affirmative fact, the commerce secretary said.

"They are closing down the DVD factories, but will they remain closed?"
Gutierrez asked, adding that China may need to pay more attention to
the concerns of "its No. 1 customer."

"In private business, the thought of my No. 1 customer preparing to
change policy ... that would have a significant impact on my thinking,"
Gutierrez told reporters here.

(c) Copyright 2006 The Christian Science Monitor.  All rights reserved.